The military takeover in Burkina Faso on 16th September has threatened to drag the country back to the dark days of military dictatorship. The coup comes as the nation was preparing for general elections in October which would have seen the transfer of power from the transitional government to a democratically elected one. The polls would have been the first since the overthrow of the country’s long-time military dictator, Blaise Compaore, in a popular uprising in October last year. Compaore seized power in a 1987 coup, when he assassinated Thomas Sankareh, the military ruler at the time.
Burkina Faso has been predominantly under military rule since gaining independence from France in 1960, under its former name Upper Volta. The latest coup is a step backwards for Burkinabé who were determined to put a definitive end to military governments which had, for many decades, brought crippling corruption, human rights violations and poverty in the West African country.
The domestic arena
Many see a popular uprising, similar to the one that overthrew Mr. Compaore, as an appropriate response to the recent military takeover. The stern opposition to the coup stems from the fact that military rule has destroyed many countries in Africa, including Burkina Faso itself.
Fears that Burkina Faso’s former military ruler Blaise Compaore might have had a hand in the coup were dismissed by the junta leader, General Gilbert Diendere. Given the fact that General Diendere was a close ally of Mr. Compaore, some observers have not ruled out a conspiracy between the two. Any underhand by Compaore, who is currently in exile in an African country, may point to a scheme by domestic, regional and international actors who may still be sympathetic to the former dictator. The “Blaise years” saw a 27-year-long military rule during which human rights violations and corruption were commonplace. Taking Burkina Faso back to military rule will amount to a death sentence for the nation.
Mr. Compaore and his cronies are at the center of an investigation into the circumstances which led to the assassination of his predecessor, Thomas Sankareh. In May, the interim government exhumed the remains of Mr. Sankareh in a bid to gather forensic evidence for possible criminal indictment of suspects. If the military junta has any links with Mr. Compaore and his allies who are worried about being indicted in connection with the killing of Thomas Sankareh, the investigation may now not see the light of day. Even though General Diendere, the coup leader, had told France 24 news channel that he and his men had no “interest” in the investigations, the General has a bad reputation and cannot be trusted. General Diendere was believed to have conspired with Blaise Compaore in the assassination of Thomas Sankareh, and he went on to be a key figure in the repressive and corrupt military regime which the ousted military dictator, Compaore, presided over for nearly three decades.
If the army is allowed to derail the political process and stay in power, Burkina Faso may see another wave of coups and countercoups supported by actors – in the country, the sub region and beyond – with opposing interests. This will put the country’s long term stability at stake especially now that extremist and terrorist groups, which are already active in the subregion, are looking for new territories.
Regional and international response
The coup presents the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) with yet another challenge to their authority. Both ECOWAS and the AU oppose military takeover in member states. Following the overthrow of Blaise Compaore, ECOWAS and the AU were instrumental in ensuring that the transnational government was led by a civilian and not the military. This time, as in last year, ECOWAS and AU’s concerted efforts and consistent leadership will be crucial if constitutional order is to be restored, and chaos averted in Burkina Faso.
Hopes rest on the ongoing ECOWAS mediation led by its chairperson, President Macky Sall of Senegal. At the end of the first day of talks, Mr. Sall expressed his disappointment at what he said was a “lack of dialogue” among the parties to the crisis. Despite this, talks have continued for a second day, raising a glimmer of hope.
The African Union has suspended Burkina Faso’s membership of the continental body and has threatened to impose sanctions on the junta if it fails to meet AU’s demands for the restoration of constitutional order in the country. AU sanctions, if they are ever imposed, must be coordinated with measures that ECOWAS may come up with. ECOWAS has considerable leverage over the coup leaders. As a member of the West African Francophone common currency, the CFA, Burkina Faso’s state finances can be strangled by ECOWAS’s financial sanctions. A stringent and coordinated sanctions regime, similar to the one imposed on Ivory Coast’s Laurent Gbagbo and his allies in 2011, could force the junta to honour calls to step down.
For African institutions to meet the continent’s growing challenges, and remain relevant, they must stand firm in opposing unconstitutional transfer of power, and institute effective mechanisms to promote human rights, good governance, investment and create job opportunities. The outrage and swift condemnation of the coup by the regional bloc and the AU must be matched with concerted and decisive action on their part. Combined with popular discontent and pressure from political parties and civil society in Burkina Faso, strong and sustained pressure by ECOWAS, the AU and the international community could succeed in ousting the junta from power.
The United Nations and the continent’s development partners, particularly the European Union (EU) and the United States, will be willing to support a unified African position on the unfolding political and constitutional crises in Burkina Faso. The fear is that some state actors in the region and in the international community may see their interests best served by a military government which is not accountable to Burkinabés. Such a scenario will make it difficult for African institutions and their international backers to force the military out of power and restore a viable political process. Burkina Faso is at a crossroads. The next move will determine the fate and political fortune of the country’s 17 million inhabitants.
Regional implications
The West African subregion is not in good political shape right now. Despite the recent peaceful transfer of power in the region’s giant, Nigeria, many countries in the neighborhood are volatile. With popular protests in Togo in the run up to the country’s elections a couple of months ago, political tension in Guinea as the country prepares for election, and a power struggle in Guinea Bissau which saw the dismissal of the prime minister by the president, there are reasonable grounds for concern. West Africa has been a hotbed of coups since the end of colonialism.
The continent’s socioeconomic and political basket presents a cocktail of hope and despair: on one hand, many countries have registered economic growth, foreign direct investment is on the increase, and at least 15 countries had scheduled elections for this year – a far cry from the days when incumbents would postpone elections for as long as it pleased them. On the other hand, youth unemployment, inflation, armed conflicts in South Sudan, the Central African Republic, the Darfur region of Sudan, attacks by the extremist group, Boko Haram, in Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad, insecurity in Mali, attacks by Al-Shabaab militants in Somalia and Kenya, and violence and targeted assassinations in Burundi, paint a worrying picture.
If Burkina Faso’s new military rulers are allowed to remain in power, they may inspire some unruly militaries on the continent to stage their own bid for power.
Burkina Faso has been predominantly under military rule since gaining independence from France in 1960, under its former name Upper Volta. The latest coup is a step backwards for Burkinabé who were determined to put a definitive end to military governments which had, for many decades, brought crippling corruption, human rights violations and poverty in the West African country.
The domestic arena
Many see a popular uprising, similar to the one that overthrew Mr. Compaore, as an appropriate response to the recent military takeover. The stern opposition to the coup stems from the fact that military rule has destroyed many countries in Africa, including Burkina Faso itself.
Fears that Burkina Faso’s former military ruler Blaise Compaore might have had a hand in the coup were dismissed by the junta leader, General Gilbert Diendere. Given the fact that General Diendere was a close ally of Mr. Compaore, some observers have not ruled out a conspiracy between the two. Any underhand by Compaore, who is currently in exile in an African country, may point to a scheme by domestic, regional and international actors who may still be sympathetic to the former dictator. The “Blaise years” saw a 27-year-long military rule during which human rights violations and corruption were commonplace. Taking Burkina Faso back to military rule will amount to a death sentence for the nation.
Mr. Compaore and his cronies are at the center of an investigation into the circumstances which led to the assassination of his predecessor, Thomas Sankareh. In May, the interim government exhumed the remains of Mr. Sankareh in a bid to gather forensic evidence for possible criminal indictment of suspects. If the military junta has any links with Mr. Compaore and his allies who are worried about being indicted in connection with the killing of Thomas Sankareh, the investigation may now not see the light of day. Even though General Diendere, the coup leader, had told France 24 news channel that he and his men had no “interest” in the investigations, the General has a bad reputation and cannot be trusted. General Diendere was believed to have conspired with Blaise Compaore in the assassination of Thomas Sankareh, and he went on to be a key figure in the repressive and corrupt military regime which the ousted military dictator, Compaore, presided over for nearly three decades.
If the army is allowed to derail the political process and stay in power, Burkina Faso may see another wave of coups and countercoups supported by actors – in the country, the sub region and beyond – with opposing interests. This will put the country’s long term stability at stake especially now that extremist and terrorist groups, which are already active in the subregion, are looking for new territories.
Regional and international response
The coup presents the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) with yet another challenge to their authority. Both ECOWAS and the AU oppose military takeover in member states. Following the overthrow of Blaise Compaore, ECOWAS and the AU were instrumental in ensuring that the transnational government was led by a civilian and not the military. This time, as in last year, ECOWAS and AU’s concerted efforts and consistent leadership will be crucial if constitutional order is to be restored, and chaos averted in Burkina Faso.
Hopes rest on the ongoing ECOWAS mediation led by its chairperson, President Macky Sall of Senegal. At the end of the first day of talks, Mr. Sall expressed his disappointment at what he said was a “lack of dialogue” among the parties to the crisis. Despite this, talks have continued for a second day, raising a glimmer of hope.
The African Union has suspended Burkina Faso’s membership of the continental body and has threatened to impose sanctions on the junta if it fails to meet AU’s demands for the restoration of constitutional order in the country. AU sanctions, if they are ever imposed, must be coordinated with measures that ECOWAS may come up with. ECOWAS has considerable leverage over the coup leaders. As a member of the West African Francophone common currency, the CFA, Burkina Faso’s state finances can be strangled by ECOWAS’s financial sanctions. A stringent and coordinated sanctions regime, similar to the one imposed on Ivory Coast’s Laurent Gbagbo and his allies in 2011, could force the junta to honour calls to step down.
For African institutions to meet the continent’s growing challenges, and remain relevant, they must stand firm in opposing unconstitutional transfer of power, and institute effective mechanisms to promote human rights, good governance, investment and create job opportunities. The outrage and swift condemnation of the coup by the regional bloc and the AU must be matched with concerted and decisive action on their part. Combined with popular discontent and pressure from political parties and civil society in Burkina Faso, strong and sustained pressure by ECOWAS, the AU and the international community could succeed in ousting the junta from power.
The United Nations and the continent’s development partners, particularly the European Union (EU) and the United States, will be willing to support a unified African position on the unfolding political and constitutional crises in Burkina Faso. The fear is that some state actors in the region and in the international community may see their interests best served by a military government which is not accountable to Burkinabés. Such a scenario will make it difficult for African institutions and their international backers to force the military out of power and restore a viable political process. Burkina Faso is at a crossroads. The next move will determine the fate and political fortune of the country’s 17 million inhabitants.
Regional implications
The West African subregion is not in good political shape right now. Despite the recent peaceful transfer of power in the region’s giant, Nigeria, many countries in the neighborhood are volatile. With popular protests in Togo in the run up to the country’s elections a couple of months ago, political tension in Guinea as the country prepares for election, and a power struggle in Guinea Bissau which saw the dismissal of the prime minister by the president, there are reasonable grounds for concern. West Africa has been a hotbed of coups since the end of colonialism.
The continent’s socioeconomic and political basket presents a cocktail of hope and despair: on one hand, many countries have registered economic growth, foreign direct investment is on the increase, and at least 15 countries had scheduled elections for this year – a far cry from the days when incumbents would postpone elections for as long as it pleased them. On the other hand, youth unemployment, inflation, armed conflicts in South Sudan, the Central African Republic, the Darfur region of Sudan, attacks by the extremist group, Boko Haram, in Nigeria, Cameroon and Chad, insecurity in Mali, attacks by Al-Shabaab militants in Somalia and Kenya, and violence and targeted assassinations in Burundi, paint a worrying picture.
If Burkina Faso’s new military rulers are allowed to remain in power, they may inspire some unruly militaries on the continent to stage their own bid for power.